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Minneapolis

Minneapolis


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Minneapolis está situada no Mississippi, perto da foz do rio Minnesota. Seu nome veio da palavra Dakota Sioux "minne" (água) e do grego "polis" (cidade). Com o aumento do cultivo de trigo na área, Minneapolis se tornou a maior cidade de Minnesota.

No século 19, Minneapolis tornou-se o lar de um número crescente de imigrantes europeus. Em 1890, mais de 61.000 pessoas que viviam na cidade haviam nascido na Europa. Isso era 37 por cento da população de 165.000 e incluía um grande número da Suécia (19.000), Noruega (13.000) e Alemanha (8.000).

Minneapolis é o centro comercial e industrial de Minnesota e em 1990 tinha uma população de mais de 368.000 pessoas. Produz principalmente equipamentos eletrônicos, máquinas, metais manufaturados, produtos químicos e têxteis.


História de Minneapolis

    Hope Landin, atriz americana (I Remember Mama, Sugarfoot), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 1973) Edith Day, atriz americana (A Romance of the Air), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 1971) Herbert Elwell, compositor (Happy Hypocrite), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Gilbert & quotGil & quot Lamb, ator americano (Hit Parade of 1947, Riding High), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 1995) Antal Doráti, maestro húngaro-americano (Minneapolis Symphony, 1949-1960 National Symphony, 1970-77) e compositor, nascido em Budapeste, Hungria (m. 1988) Lew Ayres, ator americano (All Quiet on Western Front, Holiday, Dr. Kildare), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 1996) Michael & quotMike & quot Todd [Avrom Goldbogen], produtor americano (Around the World in 80 Days) e terceiro marido de Elizabeth Taylor, nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 1958) Virginia Bruce, atriz americana (Action in Arabia), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 1982) Sid Gillman, Pro & amp College Football Hall of Fame end (Ohio State U) a nd treinador (U de Cincinnati, LA Rams, Houston Oilers), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 2003) Frederick R. Weisman, filantropo, nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 1994) Harry Levin, estudioso literário americano, nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 1994) Nelson Olmsted [ou Olmstead], ator de voz americano (Sleep No More ), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (falecido em 1992) Cy Walter, pianista de jazz americano (Three's Company), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (falecido em 1968) Maxene Andrews, cantor americano (Andrew Sisters - & quotBoogie Woogie Bugle Boy & quot), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 1995) Bud Wilkinson, treinador de futebol americano universitário (Oklahoma), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 1994) William Fairbank, físico (supercondutividade), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Patty Berg, jogador de golfe americano (15 anos principais títulos, US Open 1946), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d.2006) Patty Andrews, vocalista americana (Andrews Sisters), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 2013) Orville Freeman, (Sen-D-Mn) / Segundo de Agriculture (1961-69), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Louis Barron, compositor americano (electroni c música), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 1989) Ralph Meeker [Rathgeber], ator americano (Mister Roberts, Anderson Tapes, Night Stalker), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 1988) Noel Neill, atriz americana (Adventures of Superman), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 2016) William H. Stewart, 10º Cirurgião Geral dos EUA (1965-69), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 2008) Clark MacGregor, político republicano americano (envolvido em Watergate), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 2003)

Charles M. Schulz

1922-11-26 Charles M. Schulz, cartunista americano (Peanuts), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (falecido em 2000)

    George Roy Hill, diretor de cinema americano (Slap Shot, Little Drummer Girl, Little Romance), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota James Arness, ator americano (Gunsmoke, How the West Was Won), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 2011) Arlene Dahl, atriz americana e palestrante de TV (Ambush), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota Peter Graves [Aurness], ator americano (Mission Impossible, Airplane !, Stalag 17), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (falecido em 2010) Robert M. Pirsig, Autora americana (Zen e a arte da manutenção de motocicletas), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 2017) Ann Morgan Guilbert, atriz americana (The Dick Van Dyke Show), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 2016) Jeanne Cooper, americana atriz (Kay-The Young & amp Restless), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota (m. 2013) James Hong, ator americano-chinês (As Novas Aventuras de Charlie Chan), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Steve Hamilton, lançador de beisebol americano (Nova York Yankees) e atacante de basquete (Minneapolis Lakers), nascido em Columbia, Kentuck y (d. 1997) Ed Flanders, ator americano (Dr Westphall-St Elsewhere), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Bob Kiley, especialista em transporte público americano, nascido em Minneapolis (m. 2016) Joan Staley, atriz americana e companheira de jogos da Playboy (novembro de 1958), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Terry Gilliam, autor-animador de comédia (Monty Python), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Bridget Hanley, atriz americana (Here Come the Brides), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Alf Clausen, líder de orquestra americana e trilha sonora de cinema e televisão compositor (Donny & amp Marie The Simpsons ALF), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Jerilyn Britz, golfista americana (US Women's Open 1979), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Daniel Chorzempa, organista americano nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Linda Kelsey, atriz americana (Billie -Lou Grant, Kate-Day by Day), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota Dorothy Lyman, atriz americana (All my Children, Naomi-Mama's Family), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota Bernie Leadon, guitarrista americana, bandolinista, tocadora de banjo r e vocalista (Flying Burrito Brothers Eagles, 1971-75 & amp 2013-16 - & quotTake It Easy & quot), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Robert Cabana, astronauta americano (STS 41, 53, 68, sk: 88), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Richard Dean Anderson, ator americano (MacGyver, Emerald Pt NAS), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Harvey Jacob Alperin, ator (Cocktail), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Tony Papenfuss, ator americano (Daryl-Newhart), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Freddy Moore, músico de rock e compositor americano, nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Julia Duffy [Julia Margaret Hinds], atriz americana (Newhart, Baby Talk), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Jesse Ventura [James Janos], lutador profissional americano, ator e político (Governador de Minnesota 1999-2003), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Carl Lumbly, ator americano (Cagney & amp Lacey, Alias), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Roberta Leighton, atriz (Ginger-Days of Our Lives), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Alexander O'Neal, roqueiro (James Hearsky Harris III), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota John James, ator americano (Jeff Colby-Dynasty), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota David Carr, jornalista americano (New York Times), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (d. 2015) Mark Tymchyshyn, ator americano (Gavin-As The World Turns), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Morris Day, cantor americano (The Time), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota

Prince Rogers Nelson

07/06/1958 Prince [Rogers Nelson], funk, rock, cantor e compositor de R & ampB americano e músico (& quot1999 & quot & quotPurple Rain & quot), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota (falecido em 2016)

    Trace Beaulieu, ator americano (Mystery Science Theatre 3000), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Scott Thompson Baker, ator (Gen Hosp, All My Children), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Mike Ramsey, defensor americano de hóquei no gelo (ouro olímpico 1980 NHL All- Star 1982-83, 85-86), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Mike Leach, técnico de futebol americano universitário (Washington State University), nascido em Susanville, Califórnia Molly Hagan, atriz americana (Code of Silence), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota James LeGros, ator americano (Point Break, Inimigo do Estado), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Jody Rosenthal, jogador de golfe americano (du Maurier Classic 1987), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Robert Seguso, tenista americano (4 x duplas masculinas principais títulos olímpicos gold men's doubles 1988), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Jerry Lynn, lutador profissional americano, nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Karl Mueller, baixista americano (Soul Asylum - & quotRunaway Train & quot), nascido em Minneapolis (d. 2005) Dave Pirner , Roqueiro americano (Soul Asylum), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Mo Collins, atriz americana, nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Bob Kempainen, maratonista americano (Olimpíadas de 1996), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Gordy Morgan, lutador greco-romano de 163 libras (Olimpíadas 1996), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota Kimberly Elise, atriz americana (Beloved), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota William & quotBill & quot Carlucci, remador americano (bronze olímpico de 1996), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Tami Lyn Jameson, goleiro de handebol da equipe americana (Jogos Olímpicos de 1992 , 96), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota, Toni Lee Jameson, time americano de handebol (Jogos Olímpicos de 1996), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Jay Underwood, ator americano (The Boy Who Could Fly), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota David Wheaton, tênis estrela (meninos juniores dos EUA de 1987), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Kathi Wolfgram, roqueira americana (Jets-You Got it All), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Sean Briscombe, mergulhador (Jogos Olímpicos de 1996), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota

Vince Vaughn

28/03/1970 Vince Vaughn, ator americano (Swingers, Wedding Crashers), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota

    Melissa Peterman [Melissa Margaret], atriz americana (Reba, Fargo), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota Briana Scurry, goleira de futebol americano (Jogos Olímpicos de 1996), nascida em Minneapolis, Minnesota Joe Dziedzic, ala esquerda da NHL (Pitts Penguins), nascida em Minneapolis , Minnesota Nick Swardson, ator e comediante de stand up americano (Reno 911!), Nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Devean George, jogador de basquete americano, nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Nicole, Erica e Jaclyn Dahm, modelos trigêmeos americanos da Playboy, nascidos em Minneapolis, Minnesota Vincent Kartheiser, ator americano (Mad Men), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota John Warne, baixista de rock cristão americano (Relient K, 2004-13 Ace Troubleshooter, 1995-2005), nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota Erik Westrum, jogador americano de hóquei no gelo , nascido em Minneapolis, Minnesota
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Mapeando o preconceito: uma parte dolorosa da história de Minneapolis

Nos últimos dias, o Projeto de Preconceito de Mapeamento da Universidade de Minnesota assumiu importância renovada, pois fornece uma base para a compreensão da história do racismo nas Cidades Gêmeas e seus efeitos sociais e econômicos.

O projeto descobriu, documentou e mapeou o uso sistemático de títulos de propriedade para impor a segregação racial na área de Minneapolis. Kirsten Delegard, diretora do projeto de Bibliotecas da U of M, Mapping Prejudice, juntamente com os cofundadores Kevin Ehrman-Solberg, Ryan Mattke e Penny Petersen, decidiram desenvolver um mapa interativo projetado para ajudar o público a visualizar a disseminação de acordos raciais em diferentes bairros de Minneapolis hora extra.

O Mapping Prejudice atende a um crescente interesse da comunidade para confrontar legados dolorosos de racismo. Após a morte de George Floyd, agora mais do que nunca o público está buscando respostas para trabalhar por um futuro mais justo. O projeto foi citado em várias notícias nos últimos dias, incluindo artigos em Tempo revista, o Washington Post, Quartzoe outras publicações.

“Minneapolis tem uma das maiores disparidades raciais do país”, diz Delegard sobre as origens do projeto. “Eu estava interessado em olhar para o passado para entender como chegamos àquele lugar.”

Quando Delegard começou a procurar evidências de disparidades raciais na história de Minneapolis, ela encontrou um conjunto de documentos nos registros de propriedade do condado de Hennepin que havia criado um sistema de segregação racial a partir do início do século 20. Esses documentos eram escrituras de habitação que incluíam acordos raciais - uma cláusula que restringia a venda de certas casas e lotes com base na raça de uma pessoa.

Embora os acordos raciais tenham sido ilegais desde o Fair Housing Act de 1968, a linguagem racista continua presente em muitos títulos de habitação hoje. Os convênios também não eram exclusivos de Minneapolis, diz Delegard. Eles foram usados ​​em todas as comunidades americanas e canadenses.

Delegard diz que essas práticas consagraram a desigualdade na lei, criando oportunidades desiguais que tiveram repercussões que duraram muito além do período em que os pactos foram cumpridos. Durante décadas, os cidadãos negros em Minneapolis foram sistematicamente negados direitos iguais à propriedade de uma casa - uma das formas mais importantes de construir riqueza na América.

O projeto descobriu que Minneapolis não era particularmente segregada antes de 1910. Depois disso, uma grande mudança em direção a bairros segregados ocorreu abruptamente como resultado de acordos raciais.

Até hoje, Minneapolis e St. Paul têm uma das taxas de casa própria mais baixas para famílias negras do país, e as áreas que eram cobertas por convênios em meados do século ainda são as partes mais brancas e ricas das cidades.

O Mapping Prejudice Project conquistou sua primeira vitória legislativa nesta primavera, quando o governador Tim Walz assinou uma nova lei que permite aos proprietários de Minnesota alterarem seus títulos de propriedade para renunciar à linguagem racista.

Como obra de história pública, o mapa não é o ponto final. É uma parada ao longo do caminho - uma ferramenta de aprendizagem interativa que tem o poder de desencadear uma conversa contínua na comunidade e mudar a política.

Assista a um vídeo sobre o projeto.


Com convênios, o racismo foi incorporado às moradias de Minneapolis. As cicatrizes ainda são visíveis.

As cláusulas raciais nas ações eram explícitas sobre quem podia ou não comprar. E embora inexequível, a linguagem ainda está nos livros hoje.

Quando o bairro foi construído pela primeira vez, os incorporadores da área de Nokomis no sudeste de Minneapolis anunciaram casas elegantes em comunidades bem cuidadas em meio à beleza natural das colinas, árvores e lagos da área.

A prosperidade econômica nos anos 20 trouxe um boom imobiliário para as cidades e, à medida que uma nova classe média equipada com automóveis agora amplamente disponíveis procurava comprar casas, a pegada de Minneapolis se espalhou para o sul.

O artigo continua após o anúncio

A menos de 16 km do centro de Minneapolis e não muito longe da fábrica da Ford, o canto sudeste da cidade era atraente para novos compradores. A estabilidade dos empregos profissionais manteve o boom imobiliário na área durante a Grande Depressão na década de 1930 e, em seguida, a área do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Menos visíveis externamente, mas também atraentes para alguns desses compradores em potencial, estavam as restrições escritas em escrituras em alguns bairros desta área que impediam a entrada de qualquer pessoa que não fosse branca. Sua linguagem dizia claramente coisas como: "As instalações não devem ser vendidas, hipotecadas, ou alugadas ou ocupadas por qualquer pessoa ou pessoas que não sejam membros da raça caucasiana."

A discriminação racial em ações é legalmente inaplicável há mais de 70 anos nos Estados Unidos. Mas uma linguagem como essa ainda está profundamente enterrada nos registros de propriedade de muitos bairros de Minneapolis desenvolvidos na primeira metade do século XX.

Um projeto de lei agora em consideração na Legislatura estadual permitiria que os proprietários de casas em Minnesota acrescentassem linguagem aos seus atos para renunciar a quaisquer restrições de fé, credo, nacionalidade, raça ou cor contidos neles. Mas, removidos ou não, o trabalho desses atos discriminatórios está concluído: as linhas que ajudaram a traçar no início do século 20 deixaram cicatrizes de segregação racial e econômica em cidades dos Estados Unidos - incluindo Minneapolis - que são visíveis para este dia.

Um movimento preventivo

As primeiras restrições raciais às ações, muitas vezes chamadas de pactos raciais, apareceram em Minneapolis logo após a virada do século XX.

O artigo continua após o anúncio

O fato de os desenvolvedores se darem ao trabalho de colocar uma linguagem restritiva nas ações não foi uma resposta ao crescimento da população negra de Minneapolis, disse Kirsten Delegard, uma historiadora que co-fundou o Mapping Prejudice, um projeto que trabalha para descobrir os pactos raciais um ato de cada vez essa é a base de um documentário da PBS Twin Cities, "Jim Crow of the North".

Enquanto cidades como Chicago e Nova York começaram a ver os afro-americanos moverem-se para o norte a partir do sul na Grande Migração, que começou por volta de 1916, a população negra de Minneapolis permaneceu pequena até a segunda metade do século 20. Em 1910, a população afro-americana de Minneapolis era de cerca de 2.700 - menos de 1 por cento da população da cidade, disse Delegard.

Em vez disso, o aparecimento de pactos raciais foi preemptiva e coincidiu com novas atitudes sobre a vida urbana e uma maré crescente da supremacia branca.

À medida que as cidades cresciam, planejadores, líderes e residentes adotavam ideias, predominantes na época, de que a criação de cidadãos fortes e morais exigia um ambiente saudável.

“Então, uma das ideias que surge de toda essa constelação de esforços de planejamento urbano é essa ideia de que para um bairro ser estável e saudável, ele tinha que ser racialmente homogêneo: essa mistura racial por si mesma criou um ambiente instável e insalubre, ”Delegard disse.

Um manual de ética publicado em 1924 pela National Association of Real Estate Boards, até codificou a responsabilidade de um corretor de imóveis de manter os bairros brancos brancos.

Junto com essas novas ideias sobre cidades, a supremacia branca estava se intensificando nos EUA.

D.W. “Nascimento de uma nação” de Griffith, um filme mudo que glorificou a Ku Klux Klan, estreado em 1915 nos Estados Unidos inundados de racismo e xenofobia, à medida que a população do país se expandia com a imigração. O filme é frequentemente creditado por reviver a Klan, cujo número de membros atingiu o pico na década de 1920.

O artigo continua após o anúncio

E começou a haver incidentes. Um casal afro-americano, Madison Jackson, um carregador Pullman, e sua esposa, Amy Jackson, compraram uma casa em Prospect Park. Quando eles procuraram ajudar seu amigo, William H. Simpson, que também era afro-americano, a construir uma casa nas proximidades em 1909, uma multidão de mais de uma centena apareceu para protestar contra seus novos vizinhos com base na cor da pele, segundo o jornal contas.

“Você pensa sobre a imposição das leis de Jim Crow”, disse Delegard, referindo-se às leis e costumes do Sul pós-Guerra Civil que separavam os negros dos brancos. “Não é apenas no Sul, está em toda parte.”

Convênios em Minneapolis

Até agora, o Mapping Prejudice encontrou quase 20.000 títulos que contêm restrições raciais ou étnicas no condado de Hennepin e espera encontrar mais 10.000 a 15.000 nos próximos meses, conforme os pesquisadores e voluntários terminem de examinar os registros de propriedade.

A maioria dos convênios pode ser encontrada em bairros desenvolvidos na primeira metade do século XX.

Convênios raciais não são encontrados apenas em Minneapolis. Eles são encontrados em todo o condado de Hennepin, em St. Paul e em outras comunidades ao redor de Minnesota.

Mas ampliando Minneapolis, eles são encontrados em bolsões em Longfellow e Nordeste, e quase faixas cobrindo Nokomis e sudoeste de Minneapolis.

Por que os convênios não cobrem alguns dos bairros mais cobiçados da cidade, como Kenwood e algumas áreas próximas ao Lago das Ilhas?

Bairros que já eram bem estabelecidos como enclaves brancos ricos quando os convênios aconteceram não precisavam deles para alcançar os mesmos fins, disse Delegard.

“Havia outras maneiras de afastar as pessoas que eram consideradas indesejáveis”, disse ela. Ela citou um exemplo que leu sobre onde uma família branca que vende uma casa contratou um detetive para garantir que os compradores em potencial atendessem aos padrões do bairro.

Mas essas opções não estavam disponíveis para os compradores de casas que se mudaram para o bairro de Diamond Lake, em Minneapolis, que foi desenvolvido dos anos 20 aos anos 50.

Situado entre Diamond Lake e Lake Nokomis - mas não muito ao sul de Old Southside, uma comunidade afro-americana de classe média centrada em torno da 38th Street e da 4th Avenue - o bairro de Diamond Lake era um lugar agradável com muitas comodidades, mas não era tudo isso caro.

“Acho que era um bairro muito ambicioso”, disse Delegard.

Não tão exclusivos quanto Isles ou Kenwood, e não tão coesos quanto o nordeste da Europa Oriental, em grande parte Minneapolis, os residentes brancos de Diamond Lake estavam provavelmente preocupados que famílias de cor com empregos com salários decentes pudessem economizar dinheiro suficiente para se mudar de Southside e outros bairros como ele e em seu próprio, Delegard disse.

Então, eles os baniram, quase inteiramente das margens de Diamond Lake até Edgewater Boulevard, perto de Nokomis, e da East 55th Street até a fronteira de Richfield.

A linguagem dessas proibições variava. Alguns disseram que o lote "não deve, em nenhum momento, ser transferido, hipotecado ou alugado para qualquer pessoa ou pessoas de sangue ou descendência chinês, japonês, mouro, turco, negro, mongol ou africano". Outros simplesmente baniram os não-caucasianos.

Mas a intenção era clara e os convênios foram bem-sucedidos em manter os bairros de Minneapolis como Diamond Lake brancos - mais brancos do que outros bairros da cidade até hoje.

O fim da aplicação

Os convênios eram apenas uma parte de um setor habitacional que sistematicamente discriminava as pessoas de cor.

“Os convênios restritivos eram, na verdade, o ator privado, parte de um sistema muito maior”, disse Valerie Schneider, professora da Escola de Direito da Howard University que supervisiona sua clínica de habitação justa. “Havia tantas forças maiores patrocinadas pelo governo realmente empurrando a segregação, como como e onde moradias populares foram construídas.”

O governo federal da era do New Deal apoiou o sistema de convênios, dando aos bairros com restrições raciais as melhores classificações de crédito e diversos bairros ou aqueles ou lar de pessoas de cor piores, uma prática chamada redlining (você pode procurar seu bairro de Minneapolis & # Designação 8217s no Mapeamento da Desigualdade).

Em 1948, o caso Shelley v. Kraemer da Suprema Corte dos EUA anulou os acordos raciais. O caso começou quando um homem de St. Louis processou uma família negra que comprou um lote com uma escritura restritiva.

A Suprema Corte do Missouri decidiu que o pacto era aplicável porque era um acordo entre duas pessoas privadas. O caso foi consolidado com um caso semelhante em Detroit e ouvido pela Suprema Corte dos EUA.

O tribunal superior derrubou a decisão inferior, argumentando que, uma vez que caberia aos tribunais, instituições governamentais, fazer cumprir um acordo potencialmente discriminatório entre duas pessoas, os convênios violavam a Constituição dos Estados Unidos.

Shelley v. Kraemer tornou os convênios inexequíveis, mas não os tornaram ilegais. Alguns desenvolvedores continuaram a colocar uma linguagem restritiva nas ações. Minnesota tornou ilegal colocar convênios em casas em 1953.

Mas as tensões raciais e a segregação persistiram, segundo alguns relatos, piorando após a decisão. E Minneapolis ainda vive com o legado de convênios raciais hoje. Em média, os bairros de Minneapolis com acordos raciais são 79 por cento brancos, em comparação com 53 por cento na cidade em geral, de acordo com Kevin Ehrman-Solberg, co-fundador da Mapping Prejudice. O valor médio avaliado de casas em áreas de convênio é de $ 235.000, $ 10.000 a mais do que a cidade como um todo.

Um conto de dois bairros

Bairros como Diamond Lake, que foi quase totalmente aceito, contrastam fortemente com lugares que não eram, como Near North, Minneapolis.

Situado a noroeste do centro de Minneapolis, Near North passou seu início de história servindo como a Ilha Ellis de Minneapolis, disse Delegard. Foi o local que acolheu os recém-chegados à cidade. Tinha uma grande população judaica, muitos novos americanos e, à medida que a população afro-americana de Minneapolis crescia, muitos se mudaram para o norte próximo.

Perto do Norte tinha distritos comerciais movimentados e comunidades coesas e não era restringido por acordos raciais. Como tal, era um lugar onde pessoas de cor tinham permissão para morar em Minneapolis. Em 1925, à medida que os convênios estavam ganhando força em partes de Minneapolis, Minneapolis do Norte era 73% de brancos nascidos nos Estados Unidos, 26% de brancos estrangeiros e menos de 2% de afro-americanos e asiáticos, de acordo com um livro da Women's Co-operative Alliance .

O livro caracterizou as condições na vizinhança como deploráveis ​​e listou a mistura de raças como uma das características que a impedem de ter sucesso.

Diamond Lake é 72% branco e 78% de suas casas são ocupadas pelos proprietários. A renda familiar média é de $ 86.000, de acordo com dados do Censo compilados pelo Minnesota Compass. Mais de 40 por cento de suas famílias ganham mais de US $ 100.000 por ano, e 53 por cento dos adultos com mais de 25 anos têm diploma de bacharel ou superior.

Perto do Norte há uma população muito mais diversa, com 55% de negros ou afro-americanos, 17% de asiáticos ou das ilhas do Pacífico, 9% de hispânicos ou latinos e 14% de brancos. Sua renda familiar média é de $ 28.000, e quase 60% das famílias ganham menos de $ 35.000 por ano. Menos de um quarto dos residentes com mais de 25 anos possui diploma de bacharel ou superior.


St. Paul, Minneapolis e Minnesota & # 039s Urban Origins

Novo mapa do município e da ferrovia do estado de Minnesota, [1890]. Autor: St. Paul and Sioux City Railroad Company. A cidade de St. Paul e Sioux era uma das muitas ferrovias que transportavam pessoas e mercadorias, plantavam cidades e especulavam em terra.

Somente forasteiros e estranhos - e aqueles que dão nome a times de beisebol - chamariam St. Paul e Minneapolis de "gêmeos". O restante de nós as chama de "As Cidades", reconhecendo que embora elas fiquem próximas umas das outras e no mesmo rio, elas seguem em direções decididamente diferentes.

São Paulo: mais velho, mais rígido, católico amigável, irlandês, Hmong Alexander Ramsey, Henry Sibley e James J. Hill, o Capitólio, o mais conservador dos dois. Minneapolis: jovem, extenso, luterano descolado, escandinavo, somali C.C. Washburn, Charles A. Pillsbury e T.B. Walker, da Universidade de Minnesota, o mais liberal dos dois.

A competição entre St. Paul e Minneapolis, que seus prefeitos jogam, às vezes é engraçada, outras vezes enlouquecedora. (A vida de todos os cidadãos não melhoraria se, por exemplo, as cidades adotassem as mesmas regras de emergência para neve?) Juntos, entretanto, St. Paul e Minneapolis moldaram e moldam centralmente a economia, a personalidade e a identidade de Minnesota. Juntos, eles bombeiam o sangue e o oxigênio que fazem de Minnesota o coração da região, e seus prédios altos perfuram o tecido "elevado" que os forasteiros lançam sobre o Meio-Oeste.

Antes de 'As Cidades', Aldeias e um Forte

St. Paul e Minneapolis nunca foram as únicas cidades de Minnesota, nem mesmo a primeira. "Minnesota" - antes de ser Minnesota - estava cheio de aldeias. O povo de Dakota há muito se reúne em torno do Lago Mille Lacs. O estado foi fundado nas terras natais dos povos indígenas, notadamente os Dakota e ojibwe, que transferiram milhões e milhões de acres de suas terras para os Estados Unidos como resultado da colonização. Quando o padre Louis Hennepin se encontrou na terra que agora, quatrocentos anos depois, chamamos de "Minnesota", seu partido se encontrou com indígenas em aldeias sazonais, várias habitadas por mais de 200 famílias.

Os primeiros colonos-colonos europeus que vieram e ficaram - os comerciantes de peles - dependiam muito dos povos indígenas que forneciam caçadores, peles e conexões familiares, mas o comércio também dependia intensamente de cidades distantes - Detroit, Quebec, Paris e Londres - para crédito, mercados, organizações empresariais e produtos comerciais manufaturados. Caçadores e comerciantes se encontravam em Prairie du Chien e em Grand Portage, que a cada verão se tornava a maior "cidade" do Upper Midwest.

Fort Snelling, construído em Bdote (o encontro dos rios Mississippi e Minnesota) em 1819, cresceu e se tornou um próspero assentamento de soldados, oficiais e intérpretes, lavadeiras e cozinheiros, servos e algumas pessoas escravizadas. Atraiu ferreiros, professores, médicos, contrabandistas, missionários, profissionais do sexo e vagabundos de todos os tipos. Quando Henry Sibley chegou em 1834 como agente da American Fur Company, ele se estabeleceu em um "subúrbio" em Mendota. Quando o Exército empurrou Pierre (Pig's Eye) Parrant para fora da órbita do forte, sua taverna e a capela de St. Paul do padre Lucien Galtier tornaram-se o núcleo de outro "subúrbio" - mais tarde chamado de St. Paul.

Barcos a vapor em St. Paul

Em todas as temporadas de 1823 em diante, os barcos a vapor realizaram o milagre de viajar rio acima até o Forte Snelling. Em seus primeiros dias, esses barcos entregavam mercadorias, soldados e suas famílias, missionários e a correspondência que levavam de peles. Uma série de tratados do governo federal entre as décadas de 1820 e 1850 reivindicou o título de terras de Dakota, Ojibwe e Ho-Chunk e, especialmente depois de 1837, abriu o caminho para colonos-colonos. Empreendedores e especuladores ianques subiram o rio St. Croix até Marine Mills (agora Marine on St. Croix) em 1839 e para Stillwater em 1848 eles viajaram rio St. Peter (agora Minnesota) até St. Peter em 1853. Alguns também se estabeleceram em Taylors Falls, uma estação intermediária em uma estrada do governo que está sendo construída entre Fort Snelling e Duluth. Essas pessoas precisavam - e compravam dos comerciantes na nova St. Paul - de tudo, desde pregos e tecidos a pianos e maçanetas. St. Paul tornou-se o ponto de entrada, o centro comercial e, em 1849, o Capitólio do Estado.

A população europeia de St. Paul aumentou 1.000 por cento entre 1849 e 1860. Um número ainda maior de pessoas simplesmente passou por St. Paul, parando apenas o tempo suficiente para se vestir, e então, como se fosse disparado por canhões, salpicou as terras recém-adquiridas da região. Muitos desses recém-chegados se estabeleceram em fazendas, mas grupos de sonhadores da mesma opinião fundaram colônias em New Ulm, Northfield e Hutchinson. Especuladores e construtores de cidades, incluindo advogados, médicos, lojistas e cervejeiros, desembarcaram em St. Cloud, Albert Lea, St. Anthony e dezenas de outras cidades novas.

Minneapolis: um império de moagem

O rio Mississippi que corre largo e plano através de St. Paul troveja sobre sua única cachoeira significativa, St. Anthony Falls, um pouco mais rio acima. Os soldados há muito viajavam para St. Anthony Falls para moer grãos e madeira serrada. Na década de 1840, jogadores de apostas mais altas fundaram a cidade de Santo Antônio no lado leste das cataratas e apostaram seu futuro nessas águas turbulentas. Então, alguns pularam para o lado oeste das cataratas e construíram moinhos, casas, igrejas e negócios no local que em 1854 era oficialmente conhecido como Minneapolis.

As cidades de Santo Antônio e Minneapolis, que se juntaram para se tornar a cidade de Minneapolis em 1872, foram os centros de moagem da região e a capital mundial da moagem de farinha de 1850 a 1920. As serrarias cresceram primeiro, seguidas pelos moinhos de farinha - Minneapolis, Washburn, Pillsbury e Washburn-Crosby, em particular. As fábricas empregavam milhares de pessoas, a maioria homens. Eles mantiveram lenhadores e pequenos e grandes fazendeiros ocupados por décadas. Eles geraram a produção de tudo, desde telhas e barris a sacos de farinha e paletes, e alimentaram um crescimento populacional dramático: Minneapolis explodiu de 13.000 pessoas em 1870 para 165.000 pessoas em 1890.

Negócios trazem riqueza e crescimento

Activity around St. Anthony Falls also fostered and sustained an infrastructure of commercial banks, national and international law firms, the Minneapolis Grain Exchange (1881), the Minneapolis Lumber Exchange (1885), the 9th District Federal Reserve Bank (1914), roads and railroads, and eventually, interstate highways and an international airport. In short, since the 1870s, Minneapolis and St. Paul have served as the industrial, commercial, financial, legal, and trading centers of the Upper Midwest, with a powerful presence and effect nationally and internationally. Twenty Fortune 500 companies are now headquartered in and around The Cities, including United Health, Target, Best Buy, Supervalu, and 3M, all of which are in the top 100.

These businesses and others have generated enormous wealth that's concentrated in Minneapolis and St. Paul and their surrounding suburbs. The Cities' wealth has, in turn, created a rich set of what economists call positive externalities: restaurants, art galleries, libraries, parks, museums, the American Craft Council, the Guthrie Theater, the Mall of America, the St. Paul Chamber Orchestra, the Minnesota Orchestra, the Ordway and Orpheum theaters, the Minnesota Timberwolves, and the Minnesota Wild.

Today, about 59 percent of the state's population lives in Minneapolis, St. Paul, and the eighteen other cities that make up the metropolitan area. That urban population continues to swell from a combination of migrants from inside and outside the state. The Cities have long been magnets for farm and small town people, young people, LGBTQIA people, and artists—anyone looking for economic opportunity, anonymity, novelty, or more diversity.

'Going to The Cities'

Since the 1850s, rural Minnesotans have visited Minneapolis and St. Paul to sell cattle, stock up on supplies, visit the State Fair, see relatives and friends, or catch a sporting event. Elements of what urban life has to offer are available via satellite or television and online (think Zappos and Netflix), but cities still offer something less tangible that attracts—or repels—outsiders. o Winona Republican (1895) worried about the "feverish excitement" of city life and the Minneapolis Morning Tribune (1883) decried the dangers of the city's "perpetual and abnormal excitement." One rural Minnesota man became ten again when remembering his first solo trip from the farm to St. Paul. His memories of the Foshay Tower, the street car bell, and the ice cream at Bridgeman's still thrill him, even sixty years later. Likewise, a much younger man recalls with excitement his visits to show lambs at the State Fair. And another rural woman remembers how she relished the smell of the city that she brought home on her clothes. This excitement—the sweet or threatening promise that anything can happen—is also part of how cities and towns shape the state.

They Call It 'Out State'

Minnesotans sometimes stumble when talking about the part of the state that is not "The Cities." Is it "Out State"? Or "Greater Minnesota"? Neither captures the importance of the hundreds of smaller cities and towns that make up Minnesota beyond Minneapolis and St. Paul, nor the essence of the engaged, interesting people who live there.

Minnesota's third- and fourth-largest cities—Rochester with its Mayo Clinic and Duluth with its aerial lift bridge and international port—contribute mightily to Minnesotans' sense of the state's specialness. The cities of St. Cloud, Albert Lea, Hibbing, Fergus Falls, and Moorhead serve as regional hubs, providing shopping, medical care, social services, golf courses, and colleges, not to mention jobs. If Sioux Falls, South Dakota, were twenty-five miles east, it would be Minnesota's third-largest city. Even now, it offers the most convenient shopping, entertainment, hospitals, and airport for southwestern Minnesotans.

National chains dot the streets of these cities, as do longtime family-owned businesses: Brandl Motors in Little Falls, for example, and Bernick's Beverages in St. Cloud. "Out-state" cities boast national and international companies, arts activities, and special attractions, as well: Marshall has its Schwan Food Company and Austin its Hormel Foods Rochester has IBM Hibbing has its Greyhound Bus Museum and mining tours, and Red Wing has antiques.

In addition to "The Cities" and Minnesota's other cities, the state has a blanket of very small towns—about 850 of them under 1,000 people, according to the Minnesota Council of Cities—that are threatened by urbanization and depopulation but are central to "out-state" life. Many of these began as railroad towns, where farm people traditionally sold and shipped goods, bought what they couldn't raise, and socialized.

Two such towns—Raymond (population 765) and Clara City (population 1292)—have grown out to meet Minnesota Highway 23 and today offer a wider variety of services than some might suspect: haircut, manicure, truck wash, weekly paper, post office, city offices, police and fire, library branches, churches, nursing and funeral homes, schools, cafés, banks, and a few groceries. Raymond even boasts a Harley-Davidson dealer, and Clara City has Wholly Grounds, which offers a great cappuccino and its own Internet service provider. The Prinsburg Farmers Co-op, with branches in both Raymond and Clara City, supplies seed, fertilizer, and such, buys grain, dries and stores corn, and provides a cell phone tower on the elevator. Many of the people who live in these towns are retired farmers. Most know each others' names.

Four Types of Towns

Minnesota's towns fall into four major categories: river, railroad (now highway), lake, and mining. Each has a different layout, character, and function.

Like Minneapolis and St. Paul, Red Wing, Wabasha, Winona, and other river towns in Minnesota grew up hugging their spot on the river, the main street running parallel with the water, bending where the river bends. They are set amid a landscape of bluffs and valleys, and operate mostly as commercial and trade centers.

Railroad towns, by contrast, sit on the flattest land nineteenth century railroad engineers could find they are market towns anchored by a grain elevator and train depot on a main street that is straight and concentrated along one side of the tracks. Now, they're reorienting their face toward the highways.

Lake towns face the water and grow around its shores. They are not all tourist towns but their businesses anticipate seasonal cycles and look beyond their year-round residents for survival. And Mining towns have a character all their own—more industrial, of course, and more subject to economic boom and bust cycles. Their wealth doesn't stay in town, and the wealthy live away.

Minnesotans: Tied to Everywhere

St. Paul has pushed the state's development in one way, Minneapolis in another. The state's network of smaller cities and towns has pushed it in yet another. Together, however, they serve as reminders of Minnesota's urban origins and the continuing centrality of cities and towns to the state identity.

Minnesota was founded on the homelands of Indigenous people, notably the Dakota and Ojibwe, who continue to influence the growth and future of the state. Communities across the state grew because of the hard work of laborers and visionaries, railroad workers and seamstresses, draymen and steamboat captains. Being in the Midwestern US, some would argue Minnesota is in the middle of nowhere, but our cities and towns tie us to everywhere.


Building History, Facts & Photos

Minneapolis and Hennepin County founders had a grand vision for their city when construction of the City Hall and Courthouse began in the 1887. Just a decade before it had become readily apparent that the existing -- and geographically separate -- city hall and county courthouse buildings had increasingly inadequate space for serving the needs of a rapidly growing frontier town. Finally, with much deliberation, a decision was made to join the two entities under one roof with the guidance of a committee comprised of both City Council members and County Commissioners .

The City Hall and Courthouse was built between 1887 and 1906 on the site of the first public schoolhouse west of the Mississippi River . Designed by Long and Keys Architects in the Richardsonian Romanesque style, the building boasts a five-story Rotunda, stained glass windows designed and created by Ford Brothers Glass Company, a clock tower that rivals Big Ben, and the Father of Waters statue carved of marble from the Carrara quarries used by Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo.

The County ceremoniously moved in November 11, 1895 and the City followed on December 15, 1902. A 1904 Minnesota Statute decreed that both parties were to share in the care and regulation of the building under the direction of the independent Municipal Building Commission, which continues to care, operate and preserve the building to this day.

When completed, the City Hall and Courthouse had more than enough room for government functions - a blacksmith shop, a horse stable, a wool brokerage, and a chicken hatchery rented the building’s excess space. After 1940, things started getting crowded and, despite major modifications, the only solution was a new building. Hennepin County moved most operations across the street into its new Government Center in 1975. Today, City departments occupy 60 percent of the building and the County and District Court occupy 40 percent.

City Hall and Courthouse from the northwest. The magnificent structure dwarfed surrounding buildings, such as the row houses to the west and across the block. It remained the tallest building in Minneapolis until the Foshay Tower’s construction in the 1920s.

The largest block of granite, weighing 23 tons, caps the archway to the basement access entry. All the building’s granite was brought from Ortonville, Minnesota.

Another celebrated feature of the City Hall and Courthouse is the carillon of 15 bells. When installed, they were heralded to be the nation’s most finely pitched bells, if not the world’s. They chime on the quarter hour and are played on all official holidays and other special occasions.

This artist’s sketch commemorates the cornerstone’s laying, one of three public celebrations during the building’s twenty years to construct.

Father of Waters, Mississippi (better known as the “Father of Waters”) has graced the rotunda since 1904. He weighs over 14,000 pounds and was sculpted from the largest marble block from Italy’s famed Carrara quarries.

Interior View of Clock Room and the original mechanism to rotate the clocks’ arms. It has long since been replaced with an automated system.

A view from inside the clock tower during clock-face installation.

Each clock face is 23 feet and six inches in diameter, four inches larger than Big Ben’s. A repairman leans out one of the clock’s access panels.

The original city council chambers, located on the third floor, was the building’s most elaborately decorated interior. Among its extraordinary features was a soaring ceiling with vaults reaching the fifth floor.

Inside the clock tower elevator circa 1955. The elevator continues to operate today, accommodating three to four people in a very small, confined area for the 13-story ride.

The attic of the City Hall and Courthouse before its completion.

The third floor’s original cathedral courtroom matched the city council chambers in its grandness. Designed in the British Arts and Craft style, the room reflected the building’s overall look with acanthus leaf motifs, coffered ceilings and large arches.

Forty-one grotesques are carved into the columns around the rotunda’s ground-floor elevators. Sculpted by Andrew Gewond, each four-inch figure has a different facial expression, ranging from a smile to a sneer. The Masonic Temple on Hennepin Avenue and Sixth Street has similar faces on its exterior.

A typical, early 20th-century office with a rug on the floor and paintings on the walls. Only the beautifully paneled doors remain today.

The clock tower’s southwest corner has a crow’s nest that was open to the public until just after World War I. More than 100,000 citizens annually made the trek up the circular iron staircase to experience a panoramic vista very few had ever seen in pre-skyscraper days. Aside from a panoramic 360-degree view, visitors were also delighted with this precarious look down to the street below.

A copper roof was installed over the original red-slate roof because the heavy tiles occasionally fell to the street during extreme temperature changes. A specially designed cart carried the steeplejacks up and down the steep pitch of the roof. The original roof can be seen today from inside the attic.

Visitantes

Fun Facts

The building occupies an entire city block and has almost 900,000 gross square feet.

The outside dimensions are 305 feet, 9 inches on each side.

The center court is 129 feet, 6 inches on each side.

The center of the clock dial is 231 feet above the sidewalk.

The base of the tower’s flagstaff is 345 feet from the sidewalk.

The diameter of the clock dial measures 23 feet, 6 inches. The length of the minute hand is 14 feet.

Both towers extend to the limestone bedrock, 46 feet below the surface.

The building is constructed out of granite blocks, some weighing as much as 23-tons. The granite blocks were transported from Ortonville, Minnesota, which is about 160 miles away.

Limestone blocks were used as a foundation for the building and weigh up to 26 tons each.

The building was the first government building in America with floors supported independently of partitions.

The courtyard’s external and internal walls provide primary support and interior walls can be added or removed without affecting the building’s stability.

Twelve leading citizens and the Minneapolis Journal presented “The Father of Waters” statue to the City of Minneapolis in 1904. The cost of the statute was an estimated $40,000.

The Father of Waters would be more than 15 feet tall if standing. The statute and base together weigh over 14,000 pounds. Some people believe that rubbing his toe is good luck.

The building’s 15-bell chime is the only American made set that can play the “Star Spangled Banner” in the original key. Every hour, quarter, and half-hour you will hear the bells. The New York manufactured bells weigh from 300 to 7,300 pounds each -- over 14 tons total.


Northwestern National Bank, Minneapolis

Men in front of the Northwestern National Bank, ca. 1890. Photograph by Norton & Peel.

The Northwestern National Bank of Minneapolis opened its doors in 1872. During its long history, it survived locust plagues, economic panics, a major milling disaster, the turbulent times of the Great Depression, and a devastating fire. Acquisition of smaller banks and a growing list of services made it one of the top banking companies in the region. In 1929 it became a bank holding company organized as Northwestern Bancorporation (later Norwest Corporation). Norwest merged with Wells Fargo in 1998.

A group of Minneapolis businessmen met in April 1872 to create a new banking institution with $200,000 in capital. The board of directors of the new bank elected Dorilus Morrison, a successful flour miller with an interest in the Northern Pacific Railway, as its first president. The bank opened at 100 Washington Avenue South a few months later. Board member William Hood Dunwoody made the first deposit of $2,315.

Northwestern National Bank faced many trials in its first decade. The financial panic of 1873 forced many railroads into bankruptcy. Minnesota farmers lost crops to locust plagues in the mid-1870s. The Washburn A Mill explosion in 1878 impacted flour milling revenues. The bank lost one-fourth of its capital through wheat speculation by an assistant cashier. The bank, however, survived and continued to grow.

Minneapolis prospered during the 1880s. By 1887, the bank's capital had grown to more than $3.3 million. Needing more space, the bank moved to the Guaranty Loan Building (later the Metropolitan Building) in 1891. A second financial panic two years later caused five Minneapolis banks to fail, but Northwestern once again weathered the storm.

The early 1900s brought improvements to the bank. It started a women's department in 1901, enabling women to open their own bank accounts. In 1904, the bank moved to a new building at 411 Marquette Avenue and soon opened the first savings department in the city. Four years later, it began an affiliation with the Minnesota Loan and Trust Company and started to acquire smaller banks. By 1922, Northwestern National Bank offered city-wide banking services through a growing network of branch banks.

Just before the 1929 stock market crash, construction began on a new building located at Seventh Street and Marquette. The new headquarters, designed by Graham, Anderson, Probst, & White of Chicago, cost $6 million. Built of granite and marble, it stood sixteen stories tall and boasted 115 teller stations, a 318-foot banking lobby, and four vaults. The safe deposit vault featured 63.5-ton, nine-foot diameter door made of twenty-four-inch-thick drillproof and fireproof steel plates. An electric alarm system protected the vault's assets.

The Northwest Bancorporation (Banco) was organized in January 1929, and by year’s end had ninety-five banks in its holdings. When the bank moved to its new building in 1930, its deposits totaled $100,459,000. The new organization set goals to stabilize banking operations and provide the best possible standardized service to its customers. Banco strengthened its position through a formal merger with Minnesota Loan and Trust in 1934. Throughout the Great Depression, Banco managed its assets so successfully that not a single customer lost money.

The landmark seventy-eight-ton Weatherball sign appeared on the roof of the bank in 1949, shining out its first weather forecast on October 7. By 1957, twenty-one locations around the Twin Cities featured the trademark Weatherball signs. The Weatherball jingle helped people to remember the sign's color code:

When the Weatherball is glowing red,
Warmer weather's just ahead.
When the Weatherball is shining white,
Colder weather is in sight.
When the Weatherball is wearing green,
No weather changes are foreseen.
Colors blinking by night and day
Say precipitation's on the way
.

On Thanksgiving Day in 1982, arsonists started a fire in the vacant Donaldson's Department Store building. The fire quickly spread and consumed the bank building, with total damages estimated at more than $75 million. After demolition of the old bank in March 1984, the fifty-seven-story Norwest Center (later Wells Fargo Center) rose in its place. The Weatherball survived the blaze, but plans for its restoration at the state fairgrounds were dropped. In 1983 the bank changed its name to Norwest Corporation and stopped using the Weatherball logo.

In 1998 Norwest merged with Wells Fargo Corporation to become the country's sixth-largest banking company.


Minneapolis - History

OUR MISSION: Make Minneapolis the destination of choice for the next event or vacation

At Meet Minneapolis, our mission is to positively impact the economic and social prosperity of our Minneapolis community by attracting visitors, meetings and events that directly support jobs and local businesses, and generate critical revenues.

OUR WORK: Promoting Minneapolis and attracting visitors

By promoting all the remarkable features, assets and businesses across the city of Minneapolis, Meet Minneapolis brought over 700+ conventions, groups, sporting events and conferences to Minneapolis and the Minneapolis Convention Center in 2019. This important work significantly contributes to the 34.6 million visitors that come to the metro region each year.

OUR IMPACT: Visitors generate critical incremental tax revenue and support jobs

Visitors bring more than their luggage! Our work&mdashand that of our 700+ partner organizations&mdashhas a far greater purpose than merely bringing visitors to Minneapolis and the region. What we do impacts our community in critical, meaningful and unexpected ways–from the millions of dollars in additional tax revenue that’s generated by visitor spending&mdashto supporting more than 36,000 tourism and hospitality jobs in Minneapolis.

OUR PURPOSE: Supporting our high-quality of life in Minneapolis

Bottom-line, tourism isn’t just about attracting people to visit Minneapolis&mdashit’s about supporting all the things we love about living here and supporting the high-quality of life we want for our city&mdashtoday and in the future.

OUR RESULT: How we measure success

Meet Minneapolis tracks multiple indicators to evaluate the health of the tourism economy and our various programs, including additional industry research. The organization’s performance is evaluated based on the following four 2020 key performance indicators (KPIs):

  • Group Hotel Room Nights
  • Minneapolis Convention Center Revenue
  • Partnership Retention and Growth
  • Lodging Tax Revenue

A local archivist offers a guided tour through Minneapolis gay history

The nonprofit, which organizes summer walking and biking tours of historic Minneapolis neighborhoods, turned to Stewart Van Cleve to lead the first-time excursion.

Van Cleve is the author of “10,000 Loves: A History of Queer Minnesota” (University of Minnesota Press, 2012) and the creator of the just-debuted YesterQueer. The free app — a portable, design-your-own guided tour — is available on IOS and Android devices.

We talked with Van Cleve, who works in library and information sciences for the Metropolitan Council, about the challenges of chronicling lesbian, gay bisexual and transgender (LGBT) history, the gay side of the long-demolished Gateway District and how the city has reinvented itself.

Q: Are you basing the tour from material in “Land of 10,000 Loves”?

A: It’s funny, even though I’ve been studying and writing about this for years, I still find out these amazing tidbits of information. It’s an ongoing puzzle.

I just found out the other day about a restaurant named Richards Treat [in downtown Minneapolis, from 1924 to 1957]. It was owned by two women. They were business partners, and they lived together. You can’t tell if the relationship was sexual, but reading their letters, it’s so intimate, and it’s pretty clear to me that they were a couple.

But when you read about Richards Treat, that relationship is barely mentioned. People are still uncomfortable about queer history. Do you need absolute evidence? Or is that even the point? Does it make Richards Treat a site of historical interest for the LGBT community? I’d say yes.

Q: You published your first book two years ago, when you were just 24 years old. What’s the story behind that?

A: I was working as the assistant curator for the Tretter Collection in GLBT Studies at the University of Minnesota. Jean Tretter had collected thousands and thousands of items related to queer history, but he’s not necessarily an organizer. That’s where I came in.

I started working there when I was 19, and all of this stuff was completely new to me, even very recent history. The book is really a reflection of the organizational system of the Tretter Collection. That’s what you do in an archive, you give people a sense of what it is, and then let them do their research.

Q: Have you had much experience leading tours?

A: Not like this, no. I used to guide tours through Andersen Library, and the Tretter Collection, but that’s small, it’s one room. And I also have my poor friends, who have to listen to me natter on and on.

The tour is exciting for me, because I keep trying to inform people about this history in as many ways as I possibly can. It’s going to be fun because I usually don’t get to see or even talk with readers. I’m picturing myself walking backwards and saying, “And we’re walking, we’re walking, we’re walking.”

Q: What’s going to be the tour’s focus?

A: I’m trying to make it half-and-half, a mix of the familiar with the long-, long-, long-gone, the places that most people wouldn’t know about.

Q: Can you give me an example of a lost landmark?

A: One of the most exciting places is at 3rd and Hennepin, it’s now the site of the Central Library. But it used to be the location of the Onyx Bar.

I know about it because Chuck Rowland — who was later a founder of the Mattachine Society [arguably the country’s first gay rights organization] — talked about it in an early oral history interview.

He said that it was around in the 1930s, and it was a place where men could meet other men. They would wear suits — electric green suits — and lots of jewelry, all of these coded references. I would have loved to have seen that.

I kind of doubt that the Onyx was called a gay bar at the time. That’s a mystery. It showed that people had a lot of dignity, even though they were relegated to these substandard places. It was apparently a total dump, like most of the places in the Gateway. But they were the only places that would knowingly and willingly accept this clientele, because they had nothing else to lose.

Q: Why the emphasis on the Gateway District?

A: The Gateway had this general atmosphere of permissiveness. It was run down and worn out, there was tons of alcohol sold, it had this carnivalesque atmosphere. It was difficult to tell who was straight and who was gay, and maybe that’s one of the reasons why the Gateway made respectable people uncomfortable, and why they were embarrassed by it. The lines were blurred there, the rules didn’t apply.

It’s fascinating, because the city changes so dramatically all the time, it’s always willfully shedding its old self. When the Gateway was demolished, all the gay bars — places like the Gay 90’s, and the Brass Rail — remained as close to the border of the old neighborhood as possible.

I was also looking at the slums because the police paid more attention to the slums, and the police kept good records. Crime is a more tangible way to find queer history, through arrest records. That’s why the Gateway is so helpful, because there are so many arrest records.

Q: This is a walking tour, right?

R: Sim. We’ll start at the flagpole in Gateway Park, and we’ll weave down Nicollet and Hennepin and 1st Avenue through the old Gateway District, and point out these places that are long gone, more than 60 years. Basically it’s places that no one knows about, places that took me years to find. Then we’ll walk down 4th Street to City Hall.

A: Because of Brian Coyle [the city’s first openly gay City Council member]. And because Jack Baker and Michael McConnell applied for a marriage license there in 1970.

It’s a good place to end things. So much of LGBT history is intangible. It’s gone, or it was secret, so it’s nice to be able to celebrate it in the physical world.

PRESERVE MINNEAPOLIS QUEER HISTORY TOUR

Where: 1st St. and Hennepin Av. S., Mpls.

Tickets: $8 per person, www.preserveminneapolis.org/wpfile/tours/june-tours/

Rick Nelson joined the staff of the Star Tribune in 1998 and is the newspaper's restaurant critic. He is a Twin Cities native, a University of Minnesota graduate and a James Beard Award winner.


‘We’re Sick and Tired’: Voices From Minneapolis Protests

The death of George Floyd at the hands of the police set off days of protests in Minneapolis. Demonstrators challenged a curfew on Saturday and took to the streets for the fifth day in a row. Here’s why.

“We are having peaceful speeches, we have a reverend —” Protesters gathered outside in Minneapolis on Saturday, for the fifth day in a row. This group was demonstrating outside the city’s Fifth Police Precinct. “I can’t stand the fact that some people in our society can’t walk around without feeling scared that a cop is not going to come to them with a death sentence.” Just after 8 p.m., police came out to enforce the city’s curfew. “You are in violation of Minneapolis city curfew ordinance.” They began firing pepper spray and tear gas to disperse the group. [screams] “I swear to God! I swear to [expletive] God —” Protesters here told us why they were out on the streets. “Honestly, the world is watching the United States, and more specifically Minneapolis itself, to see how we’re going to react and get justice for Mr. Floyd. And for me, being out here is a huge thing.” “The Minneapolis Police Department is notorious for their racism here. Black men are about 13 times more likely to be killed by cops than white men in the city. And I think that people just finally had enough.” “They tortured him, right? What else is there to do but get their attention?” Since George Floyd’s death, peaceful protests have mixed with looting and rioting at night. Most protesters we spoke with oppose the violence, but many said they understood the frustration and anger people are feeling. “No justice, no peace! No justice, no peace!” “We are here for justice for George. We’re sick and tired of being abused and oppressed by the police. They’ve been doing that [expletive] for years and years.” “Man, we’ve got to come together as a people, as a one. This racism’s been going on for too long.” “All four hundred years or more.” “Too long.” “All this [expletive] can be replaced. The body cannot be replaced.” “The body can never be replaced.” “I don’t want to see businesses burned down. But, I mean, we’re in kind of a war zone out here. And so, that’s kind of, I think, the least of our worries in a lot of ways.” “Bring him, bring him, bring him one block. Bring him one block to a medic.” “What happened? Someone hit him with a bat?” “You’ve got to calm down. We’re on the same team.” “You’ve got to calm down.” “Calm down — what happened, what happened? We’ve got about 12 medics here. We’re going to do the best we can. We’ve got a combat medic here, OK? But we’ve got to dial it down —” “We’ve got to keep it down.” “— because they’re looking for any reason to kill us.” One protester described the violence that broke out after she confronted a group of rioters in the neighborhood. “There was a group of guys who started screaming at the police, throwing things. I asked them, ‘Who are you? Who are you to come in here and do this?’ They ran up on me with big steel pipes. They got in my face. And one guy came at me, holding the pipe, and he stepped in, and he took it.” “You’re going to be all right —” “What message are we sending by destroying what is ours? How does that, how does that get the message out about how we need change in our city if all we’re doing is destroying it and burning it down?”

“We were friends,” she said. “We played on the playground, we went to each other’s houses. I realized that we weren’t any different, and they accepted us.”

The demonstrations ripping through her city have been an awakening for her, she said, and a realization that Minneapolis has stalled in its progress.

“Throughout my whole life I’ve considered myself not a racist and considered myself somebody who appreciates the diversity,” she said. “But I’m realizing that that is hardly enough. It’s time to get uncomfortable, it’s time to listen.”

White liberal residents of Minneapolis point to policy changes that have been praised for their progressivism. A measure in 2018 eliminated single-family zoning, long believed to have perpetuated segregation. Lawmakers voted to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour in 2017, the first major Midwestern city to do so, and mandated sick leave for workers.

Yet a shift in influence and representation has been slow coming. In 2018, Minnesotans elected Representative Ilhan Omar, a Somali-American and Muslim who is the first woman of color to serve the state in Congress. And disparities in employment, poverty and education between people of color and white residents are among the worst in the nation.

“The Twin Cities pride themselves in being diverse,” said Maddie Hankard, a 24-year-old environmental engineer who is white, as she stood outside buildings damaged during Saturday’s protests. “But there’s been a whole generation not respecting communities of color.”

For Gus Cole, who is originally from Liberia but has been in Minneapolis for 13 years, being married to a white woman reminds him of both the promise and problems with his city.

He finds it to be a place where people embrace friendships across racial lines. His friends in other states usually stick with other black people, he said. But his friends in Minneapolis are black, white, Asian and Mexican, he said.

“People get along here,” he said.

At the same time, he said, when he is with his wife in the car and they get pulled over by the police, he views her with a degree of envy.

“I want to have that same feeling to how she feels,” he said. “She’s not scared. Her voice doesn’t shake. She speaks to the cop how she wants to speak to the cop. But me, I’m so afraid. I want to get pulled over and not think that I’m going to die.”

Bodunrin Banwo, a 38-year-old educator who is black, stood at the back of a crowded protest on Saturday afternoon, struggling to hear what speakers were saying through a weak megaphone.

He said Minneapolis was a pleasant place. He said he felt comfortable going on regular walks in his neighborhood, something he had not always felt when he lived in Baltimore.

To Mr. Banwo, Minneapolis is the sort of place that might set aside formal protest spaces with sound systems to accommodate crowds. Its elected officials are often participants in demonstrations.

But what has unfolded in the last week is something entirely different, he said, a wake-up call for the elected leaders.

“I don’t know if they really understand the seriousness of what has to change,” he said.

John Eligon reported from Minneapolis and Julie Bosman from Chicago. Matt Furber and Eric Killelea contributed reporting from Minneapolis.


Assista o vídeo: Child grazed by bullet while sleeping in bed in Minneapolis. FOX 9 KMSP (Junho 2022).


Comentários:

  1. Eugene

    Há algo nisso. Agora tudo está claro, obrigado por sua ajuda neste assunto.

  2. Vudoran

    Eu melhor, talvez, fique em silêncio

  3. Mikael

    Na minha opinião, ele está errado. Escreva para mim em PM, ele fala com você.



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